How to woo the Chinese voter

The recent Liberal Party federal election review by Brian Loughnane and Jane Hume highlighted a fall in support from the Chinese community as a challenge for the party. ‘The swing against the Liberal Party was significantly greater in electorates which have a higher concentration of voters of Chinese ancestry. In the top 15 seats by Chinese ancestry the swing against the Party (on a two-party preferred basis) was 6.6 percent, compared to 3.7 percent in other seats.’ 

According to the authors, there were a number of reasons for this, including a perception the previous Government’s criticisms of the Chinese Communist Party government included the wider Chinese community more generally. ‘This was obviously incorrect but the Party’s political opponents pushed this perception among voters of Chinese heritage in key seats in 2022,’ they added.

An egregious example of the latter was the footage that emerged of Kevin Rudd addressing a meeting in Chisholm in Mandarin during the last federal election campaign.

According to the most recent census, 5.5% (1.4 million) of Australia’s population identify as having Chinese ancestry. This has increased from 3% in 2001, and 5.2% in 2016. ‘Rebuilding the Party’s relationship with the Chinese community must therefore be a priority during this term of Parliament,’ the authors stated.

‘There is a particular need for the Party’s representatives to be sensitive to the genuine concerns of the Chinese community and to ensure language used cannot be misinterpreted as insensitive.’

The review also recommended ‘the Parliamentary Team to develop an outreach programme for Party MPs and Senators to culturally and linguistically diverse communities, in particular the Chinese Australian community and to review the need for the appointment of additional staff with bilingual language skills.’

While these suggestions are sensible, the notion that any criticism of the Chinese regime is a criticism of people with a Chinese heritage is mistaken.

Having represented an electorate with a sizeable and growing Chinese community for more than three decades, I have some understanding of Asian communities, including the Chinese.

Ethnic Chinese are not a homogenous group. For a start, they come from various countries. My former electorate reflected this pattern.

The early gold rushes to Warrandyte on the Yarra River included many Chinese but few of their descendants remained a century later.

The great Chinese influx began in the early 1990s. It was related to the handover of Hong Kong to China by the British. With a prescience now clear, thousands of people decided that the future for themselves and their children was in Australia.

Their settlement in suburbs like Doncaster and Templestowe reflected the emigration patterns.

Other ethnic Chinese emigrated from elsewhere – including from Taiwan, Malaysia and Singapore.

These patterns of immigration have continued to change over the past few decades. In recent years, there have been many more people coming from mainland China. Like the previous immigrants, they have sought both the economic and political freedom unavailable to them at home.

Over the three decades I represented them, two issues were paramount for Chinese immigrants: a strong economy and a good education system. These issues are important historically for most immigrants to Australia. The large Italian and Greek communities I represented also shared these aspirations. The opportunity to work hard, give your children a good education and a secure future were the factors that attracted most immigrants to Australia. 

The Chinese generally do not join political parties. This is not unusual. Neither Australian-born citizens nor others from different ethnic groups tend to join political parties. The recruitment of particular ethnic groups by the Labor Party creates a misleading impression that all people from a particular background support it. Traditionally, socio-economic factors have been more significant indicators of voting patterns than ethnic backgrounds.

The reluctance to join political parties can be addressed. I initiated an Asian-Australian Forum, for example, to which leading members of the community were encouraged to join. The Forum helped to create a bridge between people of different ethnic backgrounds. It served the secondary purpose of allowing me to engage in ongoing discussions with the leaders of the Chinese community across various sectors. I also established a Weibo presence.

The greatest failure in recent years by the Liberal Party is to proclaim the principles, values and policies it believes are important for the future prosperity of Australia.

Politics, like nature, abhors a vacuum. If the voices propounding economic, political and security freedoms are not heard in the public square, others will be.

The critical need to proclaim Liberal principles and values is reinforced by the competing claims on the loyalty of some of the more recent arrivals from China.  Many are part of a new ‘orbit’ generation - people who move between Australia and China, living in both countries. They are subject to the unrelenting propaganda of the CCP, which insists that members of the diaspora retain loyalty to China. Many have family living in China and remain concerned for their safety.

This issue points to a more significant challenge, namely, to counter CCP propaganda and influence. Most Chinese language newspapers in Australia run a pro-Beijing line. The popular Weibo social media platform carries a stream of CCP propaganda. Yet most Australians are ignorant of this pernicious influence on the Chinese diaspora and therefore the body politic. The ability of the regime to obtain information through platforms like Tik Tok compounds the challenge. The United Front Work Department infiltrates local diaspora communities, spreading the CCP message. Just as the US Congress has established a select committee on China, the Australian Parliament should be inquiring into the activities that threaten our freedoms and security. If the Labor Party thinks this is just an issue for the Liberals, it is seriously mistaken.

This column was first published in the Spectator Australia.